LSAT备考指导：LSAT阅读笔记分享（11）.

godineau and roudinesco point to three significant phases in that participation． the first， up to mid－ 1792， involved those women who wrote political tracts． typical of their orientation to theoretical issues －－ in godlneaus’s view， without practical effect －－ is marie gouze‘s declaration of the right of women． the emergence of vocal middle－class women’s political clubs marks the second phase． formed in 1791 as adjuncts of middle－class male political clubs， and originally philanthropic in function， by late 1792 independent clubs of women began to advocate military participation for women． in the final phase， the famine of 1795 occasioned a mass women‘s movement； women seized food supplies， hold officials hostage， and argued for the implementation of democratic politics． this phase ended in may of 1795 with the military suppression of this multi class movement． in all three phases women’s participation in politics contrasted（≠）markedly with their participation before 1789． before that date some noble－women participated indirectly in elections， but （△）such participation by more than narrow range of the population －－ women or men －－ came only with the revolution．（g， r）

what makes the recent studies particularly compelling（⊕）， however， is not so much （their organization of chronology）（a） as （their unflinching willingness to confront the reasons for the collapse of the women‘s movement）（b）． for landes and badinter， the necessity of women’s having to speak in the established vocabularies of certain intellectual and political traditions diminished the ability of the women’s movement to resist suppression． many women， and many men， they argue， located their vision within the confining tradition of jean－jacques rousseau， who linked male and female roles with public and private spheres respectively． but， when women went on to make political alliances with radical jacobin men， badinter asserts， they adopted a vocabulary and violently extremist viewpoint that unfortunately was even more damaging to their political interests．（l， b）

each of these scholars has different political agenda and takes a different approach － godineau， for example， works with police archives while roudinesco uses explanatory schema from modern psychology． yet（△） admirably（⊕）， each gives center stage to group that previously has been marginalized， or at best undifferentiated， by historians． and in the case of landes and badinter， the reader is left with a sobering awareness of the cost to the women of the revolution of speaking in borrowed voices．（总结）

上文属新老观点对立型，它往往是喜新厌旧（过去的观点常错）、标新立异（多数人的观点常错），同情弱者。

阅读步骤：

先判定套路（新老观点对立型）

看层次

标出强对立（如contrast）

注意比较（not， so much as）

14． which one of the following best states the main point of the passage？

此题属主题题，主题题的做法为：

三出现原则：

在选项中重要的关键词必须出现

细节不能出现

新内容不能出现

（a） according to recent historical studies， the participation of women in the revolutionary events of 1789－1795 can most profitably be viewed in three successive stages．

（b） the findings of certain recent historical studies have resulted from an earlier general． reassessment， by historians， of women‘s participation in the revolutionary events of 1789－1795．

（c） adopting the vocabulary and viewpoint of certain intellectual and political traditions resulted in no political advantage for women in france in the years 1789－1795．

（d） certain recent historical studies have provided a much－needed description and evaluation of the evolving roles of women in the revolutionary events of 1789－1795．

（e） historical studies that seek to explain the limitations of the women’s movement in france during the years 1789－1795 are much more convincing than are those that seek only to describe the general features of that movement．

15． the passage suggests that godineau would be likely to agree with which one of the following statements about marie gouze‘s declaration of the rights of women？

此题属信息题，回笔记中定位